All solution respectable counter measures can be essentially divided into the following ranges:
The policy pursues now for decades the mainly following beginnings, in order to get to the pension problem:
Last also:
Further restrictive measures seem only one question of the time, esp.:
Depending upon personal point of view and political position or several of these beginnings are respectable impracticable regarded as Disputed, although intended by the "inventor" of the system originally, is in particular:
Rarely in the public debate are suggestions as for instance:
In this connection that A) an increasing population not necessarily also an increasing number of employed person contribution payers may not be ignored meant and b) with more stagnating or (also minimum) increasing economy and at the same time shrinking population the prosperity and distribution clearance per head rises, does not sink.
Measures for the durable increase of the Geburtenzahlen applied in Germany - differently than for instance in France - long time as taboo topic, because in the NS time population politics (nut/mother cross etc.) had been already accomplished. It admits less is that also in the GDR in the last years of its existence such a policy had been operated and that the Geburtenzahlen could be substantially increased thereby.
However also an immediate increase of the Geburtenzahlen would compensate the pensioner overhang of the coming decades not completely. It has effects on the income side anyway only after approximately 20 years if the first "additional" children reach the business life. In addition it comes that at present the last birth-strong classes on the 40 zusteuern. Birth-weak parents classes however cannot witness even with higher birth rate enough children, in order to stabilize the system medium-term fully. Population politics are on a long-term basis put on therefore, their successes became only in decades obvious.
Frequently also one objects, the state does not have considerable influence possibilities on the decision for or against children. Proponents of population politics refer in contrast to this to examples (for instance GDR, France), in order to prove that the social and economic basic conditions in truth, shapable of the state, have a substantial meaning for this decision.
Many suggested measures aim at the removal of financial and vocational disadvantages, which are connected with children, off. One finds comprehensive population-political concepts meanwhile with none of the established parties, probably, because they would require a substantial rearrangement debited to of humans without children. Thus the present pension system does not consider whether a payer-in or a receiver set children into the world. This is regarded increasingly as unjustified granting privilege of "child-loose": although the pension payments are gained exclusively by the following generations, child lots are not taken part in the costs of their raising and received in addition a "right to a pension" regularly higher opposite parents (see also: Generation contract).
In order to work against the population decrease, such and similar hidden granting privilege of child-loose are to be diminished, approximately in the legal health insurance and nursing care insurance or in the tax law (family splitting). Regarding the pension there are in addition different concepts, for instance the corresponding child pension with contributions for child lots, doubled at the same time, which was intended by the mental father of the today's pension system (Wilfrid writer, 1904-1975), but was never carried out (Adenauer: "Children wars the people of alone").
Beyond that supporting measures for families are suggested like an increase with the child benefit - today large no allowance, but a hidden, tax free allowance forced by the Federal Constitutional Court - an educating content or a all day and free care of children. Every now and then one finds also demands after an improvement of the career opportunities for parents, especially after a child break (approximately by reduced employer contributions to the social security), or after incentives for establishment of family already in the training, esp. with students (with large success in the ex GDR practices).
As the further settlement and integration are regarded of Migranten (also refugees and asylum-seekers), what is to contribute to a taper ratio of the population structure. However today to a large extent agreement prevails in demography that thereby the problems can be reduced if necessary. Since also the immigrants become sometime pensioners, would have - to stabilize around the population in this kind - in the next decades far over 100 million immigrant to Germany to come. Problem: The integration strength of the country would be overtaxed with it. To the stabilization of the social systems the immigrants could contribute in addition only if they are accordingly qualified - a "Zuwanderung into the social systems" would rather still intensify the problems. It is however not evident, from where a so large number well qualified immigrant could come (Eastern Europe suffers from the same lack of birth as Germany). In addition it would be morally doubtful, the "best heads" from its homelands abzuwerben, where they are often urgently needed.
A further beginning for the solution of the pension problem is that the duration of the deposits is increased and the duration of the achievements is reduced. This can be achieved on the one hand by reduction of the training duration (Germany has with the longest training periods), on the other hand by disbursements taking place ever later by means of a shift of the beginning of pension of 65 to 67 or 70 years. Even if thereby however not actually the possibility for the practise of the profession is reached (problem of age unemployment partially already starting from 50 years), runs out this measure in reality on a pension shortening.
The pension entrance age was already increased (for women) from 63 years to 65 years and is to be increased now with the new coalition (SPD - union) on 67 years. In addition the rate of contribution is to be increased of 19,5% to 19,9% according to the new coalition. There are cuts in welfare assistance, actually already esp. by the fact that inflation conditioned purchase price losses become balanced by pension increases hardly still.
According to a study by Karl loud brook (Febr. 2006, Cologne, health expert and SPD representatives to the Bundestag) can enjoy humans with high income (more than 4500 euro) their higher pension statistically seven years longer than subscribers of incomes under 1500 euro. This apparent unfairness is system-dependent (see generation contract, old age pension insurance). The pension height depends on the insurance premiums carried out in the working life. Low income earners suffer thereby more factors of risk than better earning. In addition the could with them due to desw. smaller income and the smaller education possibly more its. Statistically seen is that on the average like that. The consequence from it is similar as with the smokers, who carry pension contributions out for the not-smoking and longer living population parts. Small-earning finance the pension due to their smaller life expectancy good-earning also. Loud brook sees the principle hurt thereby after which deposits should stand and achievements of the pension system in appropriate relation to each other.
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